toughening penalties against protesters and banning transgender athletes from competing for certain public school teams. Pocketbook issues, like the high cost of housing across the state or how many low-income Floridians do not have access to health care, have mostly gone unaddressed, Democrats have lamented.

adopted last year in Texas. Sponsors of the 15-week ban in Florida cast their legislation — which once might have seemed unthinkably restrictive considering U.S. Supreme Court rulings — as a compromise. (Exceptions would be allowed if two separate doctors could detect a “fatal fetal abnormality.”)

“That’s a great start,” Andrew Shirvell, the founder for Florida Voice for the Unborn, a group that is against abortion, told senators at a committee hearing. “But you all need to do a heck of a lot more.”

Last year, out of the roughly 68,500 abortions performed in Florida, about 4,100 were performed between 13 to 24 weeks of pregnancy, according to state data compiled for the Senate.

Mary Ziegler, an abortion law expert at Florida State University, said the 15-week cutoff for abortions suggested that Republicans realized they could go only so far without alienating a significant portion of the electorate.

“At least some Florida Republicans perceive the Florida electorate as being more pro-choice than it would be in Georgia or Alabama,” she said. “They’re trying to do enough to please the anti-abortion base and anti-abortion donors.”

If Mr. DeSantis signs the bill or lets it become law without his signature, Florida could serve as a bellwether for conservative states that do not immediately decide to ban abortion outright if Roe v. Wade is overturned, she added.

“If you listen to Florida Republicans, they’re saying, ‘We don’t think it’s a really good idea to do any more of this right now,’” she said. “So Florida is the place to watch.”

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