Many analysts believe the surging violence between Israelis and Palestinians, and Arabs and Jews, will create new obstacles to Mr. Abbas’s involvement in a coalition. His support for a government that includes right-wing Israelis would become harder for much of his constituency to swallow, and the right-wing flank of the anti-Netanyahu camp would be hard pressed, in this highly charged atmosphere, to form a government reliant on Arab support and to accede to Mr. Abbas’s wish list of concessions for joining the coalition.

“If the opposing ideologies meant they had one hand tied behind their back,” Professor Hazan said of the various parties trying to find a way to work together to oust Mr. Netanyahu, “now they have both hands tied behind their back.”

Mohammad Darawshe, of the Center for Equality and Shared Society at Givat Haviva, an organization promoting Jewish-Arab relations, said the trend among the Arab parties was “for new political engagement.” But the longer the coalition talks drag on, and the worse the violence becomes, the more the discord between the left, right and Arab flanks of the anti-Netanyahu bloc is likely to increase, he said.

“The polarization is growing,” he said, “not only among the politicians but also among their bases.”

As the conflict intensifies, Mr. Netanyahu has tried to project confidence and dispel the notion that his hold on power is crumbling.

“If someone thought that there wouldn’t be a united, strong and forceful leadership here because of some consideration or other, they were wrong,” he said during a visit on Wednesday to Acre, a mixed Jewish-Arab city in northern Israel where some of the worst ethnic violence has played out. “We are here,” he said. “We are working with all our might to protect Israel from enemies outside and rioters within.”

The crisis could help Mr. Netanyahu win over opponents who had promised during the election campaign not to enter a government led by him, said Mitchell Barak, a Jerusalem-based pollster and political analyst.

“Netanyahu is exactly where he wants to be, in the middle of a major crisis where you don’t want to change the prime minister or the defense minister,” Mr. Barak said.

“No political party or politician will be held accountable now for any campaign promises due to the situation,” Mr. Barak added. “Everything’s wide open.”

One of Mr. Netanyahu’s chief rivals, Benny Gantz, the defense minister in the caretaker government, and a linchpin for any potential alternative coalition, is currently busy supervising the military campaign in Gaza in close coordination with Mr. Netanyahu, his longtime nemesis.

Some analysts speculated that the emergency could help Mr. Netanyahu persuade Mr. Gantz to remain on his side and ultimately help keep him in office.

Under the terms of the coalition agreement reached by the two men last year, during the pandemic crisis, Mr. Gantz had been supposed to take over as prime minister in November. That agreement fell apart over a budget crisis, leading to the election in March, but their coalition remains in place as a caretaker government.

“They have to manage a war together when they couldn’t keep to a coalition agreement or agree on a budget,” said Dahlia Scheindlin, a Tel Aviv-based political consultant and pollster.

But, Ms. Scheindlin added, “The closer we get to full out war, the easier it is to make a legitimate case that you can’t change a government in the middle of war.”

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